The objective of the project is to assess the extent to which political advocacy is considered an integral part of journalism’s mission and discourse across different countries by examining the 2024 U.S. presidential election. The study adopts the concept of political parallelism to explain how the media’s relationship with sources of power, primarily the government, determines political discourse and ideological orientations of news coverage. To determine the press’ relationship with sources of power in Nigeria, the current report presents a macro-level analysis of the media landscape, a mezzo-level analysis of the news media ownership and a micro-level analysis of journalist’s autonomy within the country. The report also includes an analysis of two influential newspapers in Nigeria – Daily Trust and The Guardian – based on their level of alignment with the Nigerian government.
The Nigerian media landscape encompasses a blend of traditional and digital platforms catering to a diverse and engaged audience, reflecting the country’s evolving technological advancements. The multifaceted media environment includes print, broadcast, online media, advertising and entertainment industry comprising Nollywood and the music industry. Nigeria’s media scene is characterised by state and independent media. There are currently more than 100 national and local print titles in Nigeria tapping into the Nigerian digital communities with blogs, podcasts and social media apps (Adeyemo and Roper, 2022). The print media industry is deregulated and predominantly operated and managed by private owners who are business owners turned politicians or owned as joint ventures between journalists and local entrepreneurs (Ojo, 2018). The government controls the media environment through regulations as well as through tacit and intentional nonpatronage of media organisation considered to be adversarial towards the political party in power (Ojo, 2018; Apejoye and Mutsvairo, 2024).
The Nigerian press came about by the activities of missionaries, businesspeople and colonialists. The earliest newspapers were established by European missionaries in the 1880s to evangelise the natives (Ette, 2020). Not too long after, indigenous press emerged and quickly developed into an instrument that was utilised to contend with colonial powers for the country’s independence (Adebanwi, 2016; Okon, 2021). Following the country’s independence from Britain in 1960, the press became the space where various ethnic groups fought to uphold the ideals and interests of their ethnic groups while simultaneously attempting to forge the identity of Nigeria as a nation (Ojo, 2013; Adebanwi, 2016). The divided press serving the needs of the major ethno-regional groups also played a crucial role in the events that led to the Nigerian Civil War which broke out in 1967. The press produced sensationalised narratives about the coup and countercoup in 1966, and the massacre of Igbos living in northern Nigeria (Adebanwi, 2016). From 1966-1979 and 1983-1999, Nigeria experienced military dictatorships that controlled, regulated and suppressed the press. In 1984, for instance, General Muhammadu Buhari promulgated the Public Officers (Protection Against False Accusation) decree that criminalised the publication of any story that had the potential to embarrass a public official. Truth was not a defence. Following the decree, journalists from the Guardian Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor were jailed for a year for publishing government’s plan to overhaul the foreign service (Reuters, 1985; Akinfemisoye, 2014; Okon, 2021). Against this backdrop, it is clear that the intersection of journalism and politics in Nigeria raises questions about the nature of political parallelism in the country’s media system.
On a macro level, the Nigerian political structures, both military and civilian, determine the functionality of the media. While military dictators employed decrees to suppress journalists, politicians have relied on seemingly legal acts such as the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, ETC) Act 2015, which like Decree 4 that had been used by the Buhari administration to harass, detain, arrest and prosecute journalists in the (RSF, 2024; Reuters, 2024; Rozen, 2025), to intimidate those accused of threatening critical national information infrastructure. On a micro level, journalist’s autonomy is most affected during elections (Reuters, 2023), (Okakwu, 2024; CPJ, 2024) especially when the press exposes cases of poor governance such as in corruption scandals (CPJ, 2024; CPJ, 2024) .
Historically, most major Nigerian newspapers identify with particular ethno-religious groups and political parties. Most major political leaders, ethno-regional groups and political parties owned newspapers during the campaign for independence. Currently, certain newspapers are perceived to be the ‘voice’ of the three power blocs in the country: Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo blocs (Ette, 2020). Thus, conceptualising political parallelism as the degree to which media organisations are driven by distinct political orientations and interests within a particular media system, is problematic in Nigeria for several reasons. Nigerian newspapers tend to support particular power blocs and ethno-religious interests in the political arena, and not particular parties in the context of ideology or party platform. Support is usually for parties that are aligned with the interests of the power bloc the papers represent.
The Guardian and Daily Trust have been chosen for this study because of their representative positions in terms of location and regional identity. The Daily Trust is owned by Kabiru Yusuf, a Hausa-Fulani journalist turned businessman. It is the widest circulating English language newspaper in northern Nigeria, and its editorial content is considerably the voice of the northern geopolitical region and pro-Muslim (Ette 2020). The Guardian, which self-identifies as the flagship of Nigerian journalism was established in 1983 (Omu, 1996). It is recognised as a newspaper of record that is read by the elite (Fuller, 2004), and consequently, influential in setting the political agenda (Ette 2020). However, it is owned by a family from a minority geopolitical region, therefore, while it is not a voice for a power bloc, its location and operational base in the south of Nigeria are deemed influential to its ideological and editorial positions. A recent survey revealed that 83% of Nigerians trust The Guardian (Adeyemo, 2024). More recently, the current administration has accused The Guardian of being critical of its regime (Premium Times, 2024). That being said, Daily Trust in comparison with The Guardian tends to reflect the ideology and perspectives of the north of Nigeria. Although the current Nigerian president is Muslim, he is not from the north of Nigeria, so the political discourse of the Daily Trust may arguably be mixed, showing less alliance with the government. Thus, Daily Trust is classified as having low parallelism (2). On the other hand, The Guardian is classified as independent (4) because it provides a platform for diverse voices ensuring equal opportunities for expressing news and opinions. It adheres to a professional editorial policy and an independent code of ethics, with minimal interference from the government, advertisers or political parties. While it may be critical of the government, it does not reflect the opposition party or related bodies. It claims to merely speak for the Nigerian populace as espoused in the editorial policy (The Guardian Nigeria News, no date).
Bibliography
‘4 Nigerian journalists face fresh charges over report tying bank CEO to fraud claims’ (2024) Committee to Protect Journalists, 18 October. Available at: https://cpj.org/2024/10/4-nigerian-journalists-face-fresh-charges-over-report-tying-bank-ceo-to-fraud-claims/ (Accessed: 29 April 2025).
About Us | The Guardian Nigeria News – Nigeria and World News (no date). Available at: https://guardian.ng/about-us/ (Accessed: 29 April 2025).
Adebanwi, W. (2016) Nation as Grand Narrative: the Nigerian press and the politics of meaning. University of Rochester Press Rochester, NY.
Akinfemisoye, M.O. (2014) ‘Negotiating convergence: “Alternative” journalism and institutional practices of Nigerian journalists’, Digital Journalism, 2(1), pp. 62–76. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2013.850201.
Apejoye, A. and Mutsvairo, B. (2024) ‘Nigeria: A Dynamic Media Space in Africa’, Media Compass: A Companion to International Media Landscapes, pp. 444–452.
Archives, L.A.T. (1985) 2 Nigeria Newsmen Freed From Prison, Los Angeles Times. Available at: https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1985-03-04-mn-24188-story.html (Accessed: 28 April 2025).
Dare, O. and Uyo, A. (1996) Journalism in Nigeria: Issues and perspectives. Nigeria Union of Journalists, Lagos State Council.
Fuller, L.K. (2004) National Days/National Ways: Historical, Political, and Religious Celebrations Around the World. Bloomsbury Academic.
‘In Nigeria, 2 ICIR journalists summoned, questioned over corruption report’ (2024) Committee to Protect Journalists, 31 May. Available at: https://cpj.org/2024/05/in-nigeria-2-icir-journalists-summoned-questioned-over-corruption-report/ (Accessed: 29 April 2025).
Nigeria | Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (no date). Available at: https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/digital-news-report/2022/nigeria (Accessed: 12 April 2025).
Nigeria: at least eight journalists prosecuted under cybercrime law despite new amendment | RSF (2024). Available at: https://rsf.org/en/nigeria-least-eight-journalists-prosecuted-under-cybercrime-law-despite-new-amendment (Accessed: 13 April 2025).
‘Nigerian security forces attack, arrest journalists covering protests’ (2024) Committee to Protect Journalists, 6 August. Available at: https://cpj.org/2024/08/nigerian-security-forces-attack-arrest-journalists-covering-protests/ (Accessed: 29 April 2025).
Ojo, E.O. (2013) ‘Mass Media and Ethnic Politics in Nigeria: An Overview’, Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, 13(3), pp. 429–438. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1111/sena.12064.
Ojo, T. (2018) ‘Media ownership and market structures: banes of news media sustainability in Nigeria?’, Media, Culture & Society, 40(8), pp. 1270–1280. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/0163443718803264.
Okakwu, E. (2024) ‘In Nigeria, at least 56 journalists attacked and harassed as protests roil region’, Committee to Protect Journalists, 21 August. Available at: https://cpj.org/2024/08/in-nigeria-at-least-56-journalists-attacked-and-harassed-as-protests-roil-region/ (Accessed: 29 April 2025).
Okon, P.E. (2021) ‘Chapter 14: Historical Development of the Mass Media in Nigeria: From Colonial Era to the Present’, in, pp. 263–280.
Prepare ahead and beware of propaganda: tips to cover the Nigerian elections | Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (2023). Available at: https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/news/prepare-ahead-and-beware-propaganda-tips-cover-nigerian-elections (Accessed: 29 April 2025).
Reuters (2024) ‘Nigerian journalist detained over a week under cybercrime law, employer says’, 9 May. Available at: https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/nigerian-journalist-detained-over-week-under-cybercrime-law-employer-says-2024-05-09/ (Accessed: 13 April 2025).
Rozen, J. (no date) Nigeria’s cybercrime reforms leave journalists at risk, Al Jazeera. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2024/4/20/nigerias-cybercrime-reforms-leave-journalists-at-risk (Accessed: 13 April 2025).
Premium Times. (2024) ‘Presidency replies Guardian newspaper over report critical of govt’, Premium Times Nigeria, 26 October. Available at: https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/748950-presidency-replies-guardian-newspaper-over-report-critical-of-govt.html (Accessed: 29 April 2025).