The United States of America’s relationship with Palestine is deeply intertwined, but often confrontational. This is reflected in several policies and actions; mainly because the U.S. does not recognize the State of Palestine, and that it recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel in December 2017 and it moved its embassy there, causing Palestine to raise a case against the U.S. in the International court of Justice in September 2018 (Galbraith, 2019). Furthermore, policies by the Trump administration included the closure of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) office in Washington in 2018, and cuts to the U.S. funding for Palestinian interests (Kshevitskaia, 2022; Pratiwi et al., 2020). These policies also reflect the confrontational nature of the relationship between the two countries.
Historically, the U.S. has also prioritized the well-being of Israel over Palestine. During the Arab-Israeli conflicts in 1967 and 1973, the U.S. policies actively supported Israel military and financial aid, while courting Arab nations for peace (Hovhannisyan, 2023). Also, President Jimmy Carter facilitated the Camp David Accords in 1978, which led to the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel. As Khalid et al (2024) explain “the accords revealed the willingness of America to protect Israel to guarantee acceptance in the location of the conflict as well as the desire to establish peace.” Although, followed by the Oslo Accords, signed in 1993, the U.S. has provided economic, humanitarian, and security funding to the West Bank and Gaza Strip in Palestine, it continued to prioritize Israel’s security over Palestinians’ rights (The U.S. Department of State, n.d.). The U.S. policy during this time has also focused on countering certain Palestinian groups, such as Hamas, designating them as terrorist groups and promoting reforms within the Palestinian Authority (PA), thus there has been inconsistency in the U.S. Aid and diplomatic efforts; as they have been influenced by Palestinian internal political dynamics revolving around the division between Hamas and Fatah (Hovhannisyan, 2023). As Khalid et al. (2024) state, “US aid is unpredictable and often subject to cuts or complete suspension for policy reasons, resulting in financial crises, and underfunding of development projects in Palestinian territories.” The PA has relied throughout the years on international support, including from the U.S., to establish political legitimacy and seek state recognition (Yoffie, 2011). Yet these inconsistencies in the U.S. aid policies hinder the developmental and stability efforts of Palestine.
Furthermore, the U.S. has consistently supported Israel in international forums in order to preserve its security and political interests over Palestine’s through using its veto power in the United Nations Security Council to block resolutions that are unfavored by Israel (Sarsar, 2003). The U.S. has used its special veto power a total of 83 times, 42 of which were used “to overturn resolutions that condemned Israel,” (Khalid et al., 2024). Moreover, the Trump Administration cut the U.S. funding focused on Palestinian interests (Galbraith, 2019).
Ironically, the U.S. Department of State (n.d.) website says that both Palestine and Israel deserve “measures of freedom, security and prosperity.” It also mentions that it is working with the PA to advance these goals, including the promotion of human rights. The U.S. Department of State (n.d.) clarifies that it is dedicated to pursuing a negotiated two-state solution to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Yet it is important to note that the U.S. supports the Israeli army, which in turn causes instability for Palestine. “U.S. support for Israeli security measures, such as military operations and settlement expansions, has significant repercussions for Palestinian Territories,” (Khalid et al., 2024).
Based on the historical and contemporary evidence above, the dominant international relations pattern between the U.S. and Palestine is best classified as confrontational.
References
Galbraith, J. (2019). Palestine Brings a Case Against the United States in the International Court of Justice at a Fraught Time for U.S.-Palestinian Relations. American Journal of International Law, 113, 143 – 149. https://doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2018.112.
Hovhannisyan, A. (2023). Us Policy Towards The Palestinian Question During The Arab-Israel Wars In 1967 And 1973. Sush Scientific Proceedings. https://doi.org/10.54151/27382559-23.1pb-96.
Khalid, A., Ishtiaq, M., & Yasmin, T. (2024). An Analysis of US-Israel Relations: Impact on Palestine. Global International Relations Review. https://doi.org/10.31703/girr.2024(vii-iii).01.
Kshevitskaia, M. (2022). US – Israel Cooperation As A Permanent Destabilizing Factor In The Middle East. Scientific Notes of V. I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Juridical science. https://doi.org/10.37279/2413-1733-2021-7-3(1)-161-169.
Pratiwi, F., Qomara, G., & Syarafi, M. (2020). US Involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Solution or Problem?, 24, 57-107. https://doi.org/10.6185/TJIA.V.202007_24(1).0002.
Sarsar, S. (2003). The Question of Palestine and United States Behavior at the United Nations. International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 17, 457-470. https://doi.org/10.1023/B:IJPS.0000019613.01593.5E.
U.S. Department of State. (n.d.). U.S.-Palestinian relations. U.S. Department of State. Retrieved February 4, 205 from https://www.state.gov/countries-areas/palestinian-territories/
Yoffie, A. G. (2011). Palestine problem: the search for statehood and the benefits of international law. Yale Journal of International Law, 36(2), 497-512.