The U.S. diplomatic relationship with Yemen dates back to the 1880s, primarily for consular purposes related to American citizen services (Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, 2022). Over the decades, diplomatic ties between the two nations have evolved. According to some analysts, the United States has historically not had a distinct Yemen policy; rather, its approach to Yemen has been shaped by its broader policy toward Saudi Arabia. This is particularly evident in the ongoing conflict that began in 2014, which escalated into war in March 2015 between the Houthis and the Saudi-led Arab coalition (Riedel, 2018). Two U.S. administrations have supported Saudi Arabia’s intervention in Yemen’s civil war. President Barack Obama backed the Saudi-led coalition’s military campaign, launched in March 2015, to support President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi. This support included the passage of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2216, which sanctioned the Houthis and former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, endorsed Hadi’s government, and called for the rebels to disarm. President Donald Trump reinforced this policy by continuing U.S. support for the Saudi intervention (Riedel, 2018). In February 2021, the United States appointed a Special Envoy for Yemen to coordinate with the United Nations and other stakeholders to facilitate a negotiated end to the conflict (Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, 2022).
For decades, U.S.-Yemeni relations have been shaped by two main issues: humanitarian aid and counterterrorism efforts, particularly against Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). However, these relations remained primarily with the internationally recognized Yemeni government. A significant shift occurred in September 2014, when the Houthis seized control of Sana’a. As a result, the U.S. Embassy in Sana’a suspended operations in February 2015. Since then, the U.S. Ambassador to Yemen has led the Yemen Affairs Unit (YAU) from Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, to maintain diplomatic engagement with the Yemeni government.
The Houthis receive support from Iran, and their relationship with the United States is largely influenced by Iranian foreign policy. This is reflected in the Houthis’ slogan, which includes the phrase, “Death to America.” On a domestic level, the Houthis have recently detained numerous Yemeni employees of the U.S. Embassy in Sana’a, as well as staff from U.N. agencies, international organizations, and other institutions working on projects funded by U.S. aid and other international donors. The U.S. Mission to Yemen has condemned these actions and called for the unconditional release of those detained (U.S. Mission to Yemen, 2025).
Hostilities have escalated further with the Israel-Gaza war, as the Houthis have attacked merchant ships in the Red Sea bound for Israeli ports, including vessels affiliated with the United States. These actions have prompted the U.S. government to reconsider the designation of the Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) (Alley, 2025).
Given Yemen’s ongoing fragmentation since 2014, U.S. relations with the country represent a unique case. The United States maintains cooperative engagement with the internationally recognized government while adopting a confrontational stance toward the Houthi movement.
Due to the existence of two distinct authorities in Yemen—namely, the de facto authority represented by the Houthi leadership in Sana’a and the internationally recognized legitimate government based in Aden—it is challenging to define a single framework for Yemeni American relations. The nature of these relationships varies significantly depending on the authority in question. In the context of the Houthi-led administration in Sana’a, the relationship is characterized by confrontation, reflecting ongoing tensions and conflicts of interest. Conversely, the relationship with the legitimate government in Aden is marked by cooperation, aligned with shared objectives and mutual recognition in addressing Yemen’s broader political and humanitarian challenges. Therefore, it is important, according to this type of complex relationship, that the analysis includes press coverage of two newspapers according to the objectives of the research project. The first represents the de facto authority (the Houthis) in Sana’a, the second represents the authority of the legitimate government in Aden.
References
Alley, A. L. (2025, February 6). What the Houthis’ Foreign Terrorist Designation Could Mean for Yemen. United States Institute of Peace. Retrieved February 7, 2025, from https://www.usip.org/publications/2025/02/what-houthis-foreign-terrorist-designation-could-mean-yemen
Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs. (2022, June 8). U.S. relations with Yemen. U.S. Department of State. Retrieved February 7, 2025, from https://www.state.gov/u-s-relations-with-yemen/
Riedel, B. (2018, October 22). A brief history of America’s troubled relationship with Yemen. Brookings Institution. Retrieved from https://www.brookings.edu/articles/a-brief-history-of-americas-troubled-relationship-with-yemen/
U.S. Mission to Yemen, Office of the Spokesperson. (2025, January 26). UN staff detained by Houthis. U.S. Mission to Yemen. Retrieved March 7, 2025, from https://ye.usembassy.gov/un-staff-detained-by-houthis/